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Part X.
Part X.
Such is the effect of the perversion of history, by those, who, for the
same nefarious purposes, have perverted every other part of learning. But
those who will stand upon that elevation of reason, which places centuries
under our eye, and brings things to the true point of comparison, which
obscures little names, and effaces the colours of little parties, and to which
nothing can ascend but the spirit and moral quality of human actions, will say
to the teachers of the Palais Royal, - The cardinal of Lorraine was the
murderer of the sixteenth century, you have the glory of being the murderers
in the eighteenth; and this is the only difference between you. But history in
the nineteenth century, better understood, and better employed, will, I trust,
teach a civilized posterity to abhor the misdeeds of both these barbarous
ages. It will teach future priests and magistrates not to retaliate upon the
speculative and inactive atheists of future times, the enormities committed by
the present practical zealots and furious fanatics of that wretched error,
which, in its quiescent state, is more than punished, whenever it is embraced.
It will teach posterity not to make war upon either religion or philosophy,
for the abuse which the hypocrites of both have made of the two most valuable
blessings conferred upon us by the bounty of the universal Patron, who in all
things eminently favours and protects the race of man.
If your clergy, or any clergy, should show themselves vicious beyond the
fair bounds allowed to human infirmity, and to those professional faults which
can hardly be separated from professional virtues, though their vices never
can countenance the exercise of oppression, I do admit, that they would
naturally have the effect of abating very much of our indignation against the
tyrants who exceed measure and justice in their punishment. I can allow in
clergymen, through all their divisions, some tenaciousness of their own
opinion, some overflowings of zeal for its propagation, some predilection to
their own state and office, some attachment to the interests of their own
corps, some preference to those who listen with docility to their doctrines,
beyond those who scorn and deride them. I allow all this, because I am a man
who have to deal with men, and who would not, through a violence of
toleration, run into the greatest of all intolerance. I must bear with
infirmities until they fester into crimes.
Undoubtedly, the natural progress of the passions, from frailty to vice,
ought to be prevented by a watchful eye and a firm hand. But it is true that
the body of your clergy had past those limits of a just allowance. From the
general style of your late publications of all sorts, one would be led to
believe that your clergy in France were a sort of monsters; an horrible
composition of superstition, ignorance, sloth, fraud, avarice, and tyranny.
But is this true? Is is true, that the lapse of time, the cessation of
conflicting interests, the woeful experience of the evils resulting from party
rage, have had no sort of influence gradually to meliorate their minds? Is it
true, that they were daily renewing invasions on the civil power, troubling
the domestic quiet of their country, and rendering the operations of its
government feeble and precarious? Is it true, that the clergy of our times
have pressed down the laity with an iron hand, and were in all places,
lighting up the fires of a savage persecution? Did they by every fraud
endeavour to increase their estates? Did they use to exceed the due demands on
estates that were their own? Or, rigidly screwing up right into wrong, did
they convert a legal claim into a vexatious extortion? When not possessed of
power, were they filled with the vices of those who envy it? Were they
inflamed with a violent, litigious spirit of controversy? Goaded on with the
ambition of intellectual sovereignty, were they ready to fly in the face of
all magistracy, to fire churches, to massacre the priests of other
descriptions, to pull down altars, and to make their way over the ruins of
subverted governments to an empire or doctrine sometimes flattering, sometimes
forcing the consciences of men from the jurisdiction of public institutions
into a submission of their personal authority, beginning with a claim of
liberty, and ending with an abuse of power?
These, or some of these, were the vices objected, and not wholly without
foundation, to several of the churchmen of former times, who belonged to the
two great parties, which then divided and distracted Europe.
If there was in France, as in other countries there visibly is, a great
abatement, rather than any increase of these vices, instead of loading the
present clergy with the crimes of other men, and the odious character of other
times, in common equity they ought to be praised, encouraged, and supported,
in their departure from a spirit which disgraced their predecessors, and for
having assumed a temper of mind and manners more suitable to their sacred
function.
When my occasions took me into France, towards the close of the late
reign, the clergy, under all their forms, engaged a considerable part of my
curiosity. So far from finding (except from one set of men, not then very
numerous, though very active) the complaints and discontents against that
body, which some publications had given me reason to expect, I perceived
little or no public or private uneasiness on their account. On further
examination, I found the clergy, in general, persons of moderate minds and
decorous manners; I include the seculars, and the regulars of both sexes. I
had not the good fortune to know a great many of the parochial clergy: but in
general I received a perfectly good account of their morals, and of their
attention to their duties. With some of the higher clergy I had a personal
acquaintance; and of the rest in that class, a very good means of information.
They were, almost all of them, persons of noble birth. They resembled others
of their own rank; and where there was any difference, it was in their favour.
They were more fully educated than the military noblesse; so as by no means to
disgrace their profession by ignorance, or by want of fitness for the exercise
of their authority. They seemed to me, beyond the clerical character, liberal
and open; with the hearts of gentlemen, and men of honour; neither insolent
nor servile in their manners and conduct. They seemed to me rather a superior
class; a set of men, amongst whom you would not be surprised to find a
Fenelon. I saw among the clergy in Paris (many of the description are not to
be met with anywhere) men of great learning and candour; and I had reason to
believe, that this description was not confined to Paris. What I found in
other places, I know was accidental; and therefore to be presumed a fair
example. I spent a few days in a provincial town, where, in the absence of the
bishop, I passed my evenings with three clergymen, his vicars-general, persons
who would have done honour to any church. They were all well informed; two of
them of deep, general, and extensive erudition, ancient and modern, oriental
and western; particularly in their own profession. They had a more extensive
knowledge of our English divines than I expected and they entered into the
genius of those writers with a critical accuracy. One of these gentlemen is
since dead, the Abbe Morangis. I pay this tribute, without reluctance, to the
memory of that noble, reverend, learned, and excellent person; and I should do
the same with equal cheerfulness, to the merits of the others, who I believe
are still living, if I did not fear to hurt those whom I am unable to serve.
Some of these ecclesiastics of rank are, by all titles, persons deserving
of general respect. They are deserving of gratitude from me, and from many
English. If this letter should ever come into their hands, I hope they will
believe there are those of our nation who feel for their unmerited fall, and
for the cruel confiscation of their fortunes, with no common sensibility. What
I say of them is a testimony, as far as one feeble voice can go, which I owe
to truth. Whenever the question of this unnatural persecution is concerned, I
will pay it. No one shall prevent me from being just and grateful. The time is
fitted for the duty; and it is particularly becoming to show our justice and
gratitude, when those, who have deserved well of us and of mankind, are
labouring under popular obloquy, and the persecutions of oppressive power.
You had before your Revolution about an hundred and twenty bishops. A few
of them were men of eminent sanctity, and charity without limit. When we talk
of the heroic, of course we talk of rare virtue. I believe the instances of
eminent depravity may be as rare amongst them as those of transcendent
goodness. Examples of avarice and of licentiousness may be picked out, I do
not question it, by those who delight in the investigation which leads to such
discoveries. A man as old as I am will not be astonished that several, in
every description, do not lead that perfect life of self-denial, with regard
to wealth or to pleasure, which is wished for by all, by some expected, but by
none exacted with more rigour, than by those who are the most attentive to
their own interests, or the most indulgent to their own passions. When I was
in France, I am certain that the number of vicious prelates was not great.
Certain individuals among them, not distinguishable for the regularity of
their lives, made some amends for their want of the severe virtues, in their
possession of the liberal; and were endowed with qualities which made them
useful in the church and state. I am told, that, with few exceptions, Louis
the Sixteenth had been more attentive to character, in his promotions to that
rank, than his immediate predecessor; and I believe (as some spirit of reform
has prevailed through the whole reign) that it may be true. But the present
ruling power has shown a disposition only to plunder the church. It has
punished all prelates; which is to favour the vicious, at least in point of
reputation. It has made a degrading pensionary establishment, to which no man
of liberal ideas or liberal condition will destine his children. It must
settle into the lowest classes of the people. As with you the inferior clergy
are not numerous enough for their duties; as these duties are, beyond measure,
minute and toilsome, as you have left no middle classes of clergy at their
ease, in future nothing of science or erudition can exist in the Gallican
church. To complete the project, without the least attention to the rights of
patrons, the Assembly has provided in future an elective clergy; an
arrangement which will drive out of the clerical profession all men of
sobriety; all who can pretend to independence in their function or their
conduct; and which will throw the whole direction of the public mind into the
hands of a set of licentious, bold, crafty, factious, flattering wretches, of
such condition and such habits of life as will make their contemptible
pensions (in comparison of which the stipend of an exciseman is lucrative and
honourable) an object of low and illiberal intrigue. Those officers, whom they
still call bishops, are to be elected to a provision comparatively mean,
through the same arts, (that is, electioneering arts,) by men of all religious
tenets that are known or can be invented. The new lawgivers have not
ascertained anything whatsoever concerning their qualifications, relative
either to doctrine or to morals; no more than they have done with regard to
the subordinate clergy: nor does it appear but that both the higher and the
lower may, at their discretion, practise or preach any mode of religion or
irreligion that they please. I do not yet see what the jurisdiction of bishops
over their subordinates is to be, or whether they are to have any jurisdiction
at all.
In short, Sir, it seems to me, that this new ecclesiastical establishment
is intended only to be temporary, and preparatory to the utter abolition,
under any of its forms, of the Christian religion, whenever the minds of men
are prepared for this last stroke against it, by the accomplishment of the
plan for bringing its ministers into universal contempt. They who will not
believe, that the philosophical fanatics, who guide in these matters, have
long entertained such a design, are utterly ignorant of their character and
proceedings. These enthusiasts do not scruple to avow their opinion, that a
state can subsist without any religion better than with one and that they are
able to supply the place of any good which may be in it, by a project of their
own - namely, by a sort of education they have imagined, founded in a
knowledge of the physical wants of men; progressively carried to an
enlightened self-interest, which, when well understood, they tell us, will
identify with an interest more enlarged and public. The scheme of this
education has been long known. Of late they distinguish it (as they have got
an entirely new nomenclature of technical terms) by the name of a Civic
Education.
I hope their partisans in England (to whom I rather attribute very
inconsiderate conduct, than the ultimate object in this detestable design)
will succeed neither in the pillage of the ecclesiastics, nor in the
introduction of a principle of popular election to our bishoprics and
parochial cures. This, in the present condition of the world, would be the
last corruption of the church; the utter ruin of the clerical character; the
most dangerous shock that the state ever received through a misunderstood
arrangement of religion. I know well enough that the bishoprics and cures,
under kingly and seignioral patronage, as now they are in England, and as they
have been lately in France, are sometimes acquired by unworthy methods; but
the other mode of ecclesiastical canvass subjects them infinitely more surely
and more generally to all evil arts of low ambition, which, operating on and
through greater numbers, will produce mischief in proportion.
Those of you, who have robbed the clergy, think that they shall easily
reconcile their conduct to all Protestant nations; because the clergy, whom
they have thus plundered, degraded, and given over to mockery and scorn, are
of the Roman Catholic, that is, of their own pretended persuasion. I have no
doubt that some miserable bigots will be found here, as well as elsewhere, who
hate sects and parties different from their own, more than they love the
substance of religion; and who are more angry with those who differ from them
in their particular plans and systems, than displeased with those who attack
the foundation of our common hope. These men will write and speak on the
subject in the manner that is to be expected from their temper and character.
Burnet says, that when he was in France, in the year 1683, "the method which
carried over the men of the finest parts to Popery was this - they brought
themselves to doubt of the whole Christian religion. When that was once done,
it seemed a more indifferent thing of what side or form they continued
outwardly." If this was then the ecclesiastical policy of France, it is what
they have since but too much reason to repent of. They preferred atheism to a
form of religion not agreeable to their ideas. They succeeded in destroying
that form; and atheism has succeeded in destroying them. I can readily give
credit to Burnet`s story; because I have observed too much of a similar spirit
(for a little of it is "much too much") amongst ourselves. The humour,
however, is not general.
The teachers who reformed our religion in England bore no sort of
resemblance to your present reforming doctors in Paris. Perhaps they were
(like those whom they opposed) rather more than could be wished under the
influence of a party spirit; but they were more sincere believers; men of the
most fervent and exalted piety; ready to die (as some of them did die) like
true heroes in defence of their particular ideas of Christianity; as they
would with equal fortitude, and more cheerfully, for that stock of general
truth, for the branches of which they contended with their blood. These men
would have disavowed with horror those wretches who claimed a fellowship with
them upon no other titles than those of their having pillaged the persons with
whom they maintained controversies, and their having despised the common
religion, for the purity of which they exerted themselves with a zeal, which
unequivocally bespoke their highest reverence for the substance of that system
which they wished to reform. Many of their descendants have retained the same
zeal, but (as less engaged in conflict) with more moderation. They do not
forget that justice and mercy are substantial parts of religion. Impious men
do not recommend themselves to their communion by iniquity and cruelty towards
any description of their fellow-creatures.
We hear these new teachers continually boasting of their spirit of
toleration. That those persons should tolerate all opinions, who think none to
be of estimation, is a matter of small merit. Equal neglect is not impartial
kindness. The species of benevolence, which arises from contempt, is no true
charity. There are in England abundance of men who tolerate in the true spirit
of toleration. They think the dogmas of religion, though in different degrees,
are all of moment: and that amongst them there is, as amongst all things of
value, a just ground of preference. They favour, therefore, and they tolerate.
They tolerate, not because they despise opinions, but because they respect
justice. They would reverently and affectionately protect all religions,
because they love and venerate the great principle upon which they all agree,
and the great object to which they are all directed. They begin more and more
plainly to discern, that we have all a common cause, as against a common
enemy. They will not be so misled by the spirit of faction, as not to
distinguish what is done in favour of their subdivision, from those acts of
hostility, which, through some particular description, are aimed at the whole
corps, in which they themselves, under another denomination, are included. It
is impossible for me to say what may be the character of every description of
men amongst us. But I speak for the greater part; and for them, I must tell
you, that sacrilege is no part of their doctrine of good works; that, so far
from calling you into their fellowship on such title, if your professors are
admitted to their communion, they must carefully conceal their doctrine of the
lawfulness of the prescription of innocent men; and that they must make
restitution of all stolen goods whatsoever. Till then they are none of ours.
You may suppose that we do not approve your confiscation of the revenues
of bishops, and deans, and chapters, and parochial clergy possessing
independent estatrs arising from land, because we have the same sort of
establishment in England. That objection, you will say, cannot hold as to the
confiscation of the goods of monks and nuns, and the abolition of their order.
It is true that this particular part of your general confiscation does not
affect England, as a precedent in point: but the reason implies, and it goes a
great way. The long parliament confiscated the lands of deans and chapters in
England on the same ideas upon which your assembly set to sale the lands of
the monastic orders. But it is in the principle of injustice that the danger
lies, and not in the description of persons on whom it is first exercised. I
see, in a country very near us, a course of policy pursued, which sets
justice, the common concern of mankind, at defiance. With the National
Assembly of France, possession is nothing, law and usage are nothing. I see
the National Assembly openly reprobate the doctrine of prescription, which one
of the greatest of their own lawyers ^38 tells us, with great truth, is a part
of the law of nature. He tells us, that the positive ascertainment of its
limits, and its security from invasion, were among the causes for which civil
society itself has been instituted. If prescription be once shaken, no species
of property is secure, when it once becomes an object large enough to tempt
the cupidity of indigent power. I see a practice perfectly correspondent to
their contempt of this great fundamental part of natural law. I see the
confiscators begin with bishops and chapters, and monasteries; but I do not
see them end there. I see the princes of the blood, who by the oldest usages
of that kingdom, held large landed estates, (hardly with the compliment of a
debate,) deprived of their possessions, and, in lieu of their stable,
independent property, reduced to the hope of some precarious, charitable
pension, at the pleasure of an assembly, which of course will pay little
regard to the rights of pensioners at pleasure, when it despises those of
legal proprietors. Flushed with the insolence of their first inglorious
victories, and pressed by the distresses caused by their lust of unhallowed
lucre, disappointed but not discouraged, they have at length ventured
completely to subvert all property of all descriptions throughout the extent
of a great kingdom. They have compelled all men, in all transactions of
commerce, in the disposal of lands, in civil dealing, and through the whole
communion of life, to accept as perfect payment and good and lawful tender,
the symbols of their speculations on a projected sale of their plunder. What
vestiges of liberty or property have they left? The tenant-right of a
cabbage-garden, a year`s interest in a hovel, the good-will of an ale-house or
a baker`s shop, the very shadow of a constructive property, are more
ceremoniously treated in our parliament, than with you the oldest and most
valuable landed possessions, in the hands of the most respectable personages,
or than the whole body of the monied and commercial interest of your country.
We entertain a high opinion of the legislative authority; but we have never
dreamt that parliaments had any right whatever to violate property, to
overrule prescription, or to force a currency of their own fiction in the
place of that which is real, and recognised by the law of nations. But you,
who began with refusing to submit to the most moderate restraints, have ended
by establishing an unheard-of despotism. I find the ground upon which your
confiscators go is this; that indeed their proceedings could not be supported
in a court of justice; but that the rules of prescription cannot bind a
legislative assembly. ^39 So that this legislative assembly of a free nation
sits, not for the security, but for the destruction, of property, and not of
property only, but of every rule and maxim which can give it stability, and of
those instruments which can alone give it circulation.
[Footnote 38: Domat.]
[Footnote 39: Speech of Mr. Camus, published by order of the National
Assembly.]
When the Anabaptists of Munster, in the sixteenth century, had filled
Germany with confusion, by their system of levelling, and their wild opinions
concerning property, to what country in Europe did not the progress of their
fury furnish just cause of alarm? Of all things, wisdom is the most terrified
with epidemical fanaticism, because of all enemies it is that against which
she is the least able to furnish any kind of resource. We cannot be ignorant
of the spirit of atheistical fanaticism, that is inspired by a multitude of
writings, dispersed with incredible assiduity and expense, and by sermons
delivered in all the streets and places of public resort in Paris. These
writings and sermons have filled the populace with a black and savage atrocity
of mind, which supersedes in them the common feelings of nature, as well as
all sentiments of morality and religion; insomuch that these wretches are
induced to bear with a sullen patience the intolerable distresses brought upon
them by the violent convulsions and permutations that have been made in
property. ^40 The spirit of proselytism attends this spirit of fanaticism.
They have societies to cabal and correspond at home and abroad for the
propagation of their tenets. The republic of Berne, one of the happiest, the
most prosperous, and the best governed countries upon earth, is one of the
great objects, at the destruction of which they aim. I am told they have in
some measure succeeded in sowing there the seeds of discontent. They are busy
throughout Germany. Spain and Italy have not been untried. England is not left
out of the comprehensive scheme of their malignant charity: and in England we
find those who stretch out their arms to them, who recommend their example
from more than one pulpit, and who choose in more than one periodical meeting,
publicly to correspond with them, to applaud them, and to hold them up as
objects for imitation; who receive from them tokens of confraternity, and
standards consecrated amidst their rights and mysteries; ^41 who suggest to
them leagues of perpetual amity, at the very time when the power, to which our
constitution has exclusively delegated the federative capacity of this
kingdom, may find it expedient to make war upon them.
[Footnote 40: Whether the following description is strictly true, I know not;
but it is what the publishers would have pass for true in order to animate
others. In a letter from Toul, given in one of their papers, is the following
passage concerning the people of that district: "Dans la Revolution actuelle,
ils ont resiste a toutes les seductions du bigotisme, aux persecutions, et aux
tracasseries des ennemis de la Revolution. Oubliant leurs plus grands interets
pour rendre hommage aux vues d`ordre general qui ont determine l`Assemblee
Nationale, ils voient, sans se plaindre, supprimer cette foule d`etablissemens
ecclesiastiques par lesquels ils subsistoient; et meme, en perdant leur siege
episcopal, la seul de toutes ses ressources qui pouvoit, ou plutot qui devoit,
en toute equite, leur etre conservee; condamnes a la plus effrayante misere,
sans avoir ete ni pu etre entendus, ils ne murmurent point, ils restent
fideles aux principes du plus pur patriotisme; ils sont encore prets a verser
leur sang pour le maintien de la Constitution, qui va reduire leur ville a la
plus deplorable nullite." These people are not supposed to have endured those
sufferings and injustices in a struggle for liberty, for the same account
states truly that they had been always free; their patience in beggary and
ruin, and their suffering, without remonstrance, the most flagrant and
confessed injustice, if strictly true, can be nothing but the effect of this
dire fanaticism. A great multitude all over France is in the same condition
and the same temper.]
[Footnote 41: See the proceedings of the confederation at Nantz.]
It is not the confiscation of our church property from this example in
France that I dread, though I think this would be no trifling evil. The great
source of my solicitude is, lest it should ever be considered in England as
the policy of a state to seek a resource in confiscations of any kind; or that
any one description of citizens should be brought to regard any of the others
as their proper prey. ^42 Nations are wading deeper and deeper into an ocean
of boundless debt. Public debts, which at first were a security to
governments, by interesting many in the public tranquillity, are likely in
their excess to become the means of their subversion. If governments provide
for these debts by heavy impositions, they perish by becoming odious to the
people. If they do not provide for them they will be undone by the efforts of
the most dangerous of all parties; I mean an extensive, discontented monied
interest, injured and not destroyed. The men who compose this interest look
for their security, in the first instance, to the fidelity of government; in
the second, to its power. If they find the old governments effete, worn out,
and with their springs relaxed, so as not to be of sufficient vigour for their
purposes, they may seek new ones that shall be possessed of more energy; and
this energy will be derived, not from an acquisition of resources, but from a
contempt of justice. Revolutions are favourable to confiscation; and it is
impossible to know under what obnoxious names the next confiscations will be
authorized. I am sure that the principles predominant in France extend to very
many persons, and descriptions of persons, in all countries who think their
innoxious indolence their security. This kind of innocence in proprietors may
be argued into inutility; and inutility into an unfitness for their estates.
Many parts of Europe are in open disorder. In many others there is a hollow
murmuring under ground; a confused movement is felt, that threatens a general
earthquake in the political world. Already confederacies and correspondencies
of the most extraordinary nature are forming, in several countries. ^43 In
such a state of things we ought to hold ourselves upon our guard. In all
mutations (if mutations must be) the circumstance which will serve most to
blunt the edge of their mischief, and to promote what good may be in them, is
that they should find us with our minds tenacious of justice, and tender of
property.
[Footnote 42: "Si plures sunt ii quibus improbe datum est, quam illi quibus
injuste ademptum est, idcirco plus etiam valent? Non enim numero haec
judicantur sed pondere. Quam autem habet aequitatem, ut agrum multis annis,
aut etiam saeculis ante possessum, qui nullum habuit habeat; qui autem habuit
amittat? Ac, propter hoc injuriae genus, Lacedaemonii Lysandrum Ephorum
expulerunt: Agin regem (quod nunquam antea apud eos acciderat) necaverunt:
exque eo tempore tantae discordiae secutae sunt, ut et tyranni existerint, et
optimates exterminarentur, et preclarissime constituta respublica dilaberetur.
Nec vero solum ipsa cecidit, sed etiam reliquam Graeciam evertit contagionibus
malorum, quae a Lacedaemoniis profectae manarunt latius." - After speaking of
the conduct of the model of true patriots, Aratus of Sicyon, which was in a
very different spirit, he says, "Sic par est agere cum civibus; non ut bis jam
vidimus, hastam in foro ponere et bona civium voci subjicere praeconis. At
ille Graecus (id quod fuit sapientis et praestantis viri) omnibus consulendum
esse putavit: eaque est summa ratio et sapientia boni civis, commoda civium
non divellere, sed omnes eadem aequitate ontinere." - Cic. Off. l. 2.]
[Footnote 43: See two books entitled, Enige Originalschriften des
Illuminatenordens. - System und Folgen des Illuminatenordens. Munchen, 1787.]
But it will be argued, that this confiscation in France ought not to
alarm other nations. They say it is not made from wanton rapacity; that it is
a great measure of national policy, adopted to remove an extensive,
inveterate, superstitious mischief. It is with the greatest difficulty that I
am able to separate policy from justice. Justice itself is the great standing
policy of civil society; and any eminent departure from it, under any
circumstances, lies under the suspicion of being no policy at all.
When men are encouraged to go into a certain mode of life by the existing
laws, and protected in that mode as in a lawful occupation - when they have
accommodated all their ideas and all their habits to it - when the law had
long made their adherence to its rules a ground of reputation, and their
departure from them a ground of disgrace and even of penalty - I am sure it is
unjust in legislature, by an arbitrary act, to offer a sudden violence to
their minds and their feelings; forcibly to degrade them from their state and
condition, and to stigmatize with shame and infamy that character, and those
customs, which before had been made the measure of their happiness and honour.
If to this be added an expulsion from their habitations, and a confiscation of
all their goods, I am not sagacious enough to discover how this despotic
sport, made of the feelings, consciences, prejudices, and properties of men,
can be discriminated from the rankest tyranny.
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